WALKING AS A CULTURAL PRACTICE - G. P. Chiari
Summary and reflection on the book "La passeggiata Italiana - Una storia culturale " (Trad: "The Italian Walking - A Cultural Story") by Gian Paolo Chiari
Gian Paolo Chiari was born in Emilia Romagna (Italy) 62 years ago. He defines himself as a "political scientist" (from his degree in Political Science) and has a doctorate obtained in England. A former university assistant and professor, Gian Paolo is a collaborator of non-governmental associations, the United Nations, and the European Union, author of four "non-canonical" travel guides and the book “La Passeggiata Italiana. Una Storia Culturale." (trans. "The Italian Walk. A cultural history.”).
In Chiari's work, the walk is analyzed, in the Italian context, as a social and cultural phenomenon through history to understand its relationships with culture, social organization, and the surrounding environment. It is a collective ritual involving people from different Italian cities, united by the desire to socialize, observe others and be observed, and exercise prerogatives of status, economic class, age or gender, and even eroticism.
The walk is a social event where participants walk short distances in a limited space. It involves couples, families, and small groups and is a self-organized phenomenon that occurs regularly on specific days and at certain times. However, despite its long history and diffusion in Europe, with few exceptions, the walk has been little studied by academics, remaining virtually unexplored in international and national literature.
The author points out that most studies have focused on walking as a solitary practice of philosophers, writers, flâneurs and pilgrims or as a collective practice of citizens organized in marches and demonstrations. Few have examined the walk as a collective social phenomenon, with one notable exception being the work of Giovanna Del Negro, who specifically studied the social walk in the town of Sasso, Abruzzo.
Walking in Italy has profoundly influenced society over the centuries, contributing to the definition and change of the urban socio-economic structure and the redefinition of urban spaces through the reclamation and appropriation of their public use.
The lack of academic attention devoted to walking in Italy represents a gap in social and cultural studies, which could be filled by further in-depth research on the phenomenon and its implications for contemporary Italian society.
The culture of walking in the West has ancient roots, dating back to the classical Greek and Roman world, where walking had an important social and cultural meaning. In those times, porches and gardens served as a stage for this practice, which offered a recreational and social experience. The Romans, in particular, used to walk both during the day and in the evening, both in the city and in the parks, where the activity also had amorous and sexual connotations.
In the Renaissance era, this tradition was maintained, with the urban walk being mainly divided into two types: the daily one, carried out during the day or in the evening as an expression of the Latin word "otium" (leisure), and the summer one, practised after sunset to enjoy the fresh air. The first type, known as "passeggiata al corso" (walk in the avenue), took place along central city streets. In contrast, the second, called "passeggiata al fresco" (walk in the fresh air), was associated with warm seasons and quieter places, such as gardens.
Over the centuries, this practice has maintained its social importance, becoming an integral part of urban life in many Italian cities. Streets such as Via del Corso in Rome, Via Po in Turin, and Via Toledo in Naples have become famous for their promenades, which have hosted political, religious, and social events and have been meeting places for high society and the city elite. Even in Venice, the walk along Piazza San Marco was a significant social ritual until recently.
The walk, in Western culture, has ancient roots and has maintained its social importance through the centuries, becoming a characteristic element of urban life in many Italian cities.
There are, then, different summer walk traditions in various Italian cities, focusing on different types of places and urban spaces used for this purpose. We talk about porticoes and galleries, which offer shelter during winter walks, often along main streets or squares such as Piazza San Marco in Venice and the Via Emilia in Modena and Reggio Emilia. The more impressive alternative represented by galleries is then described, such as the Galleria Vittorio Emanuele II in Milan, which functioned as a covered and elegant space for walks, meetings and purchases.
Other types of walks are also explored, such as "al fresco" ones along riversides, seafronts, and urban gardens. These walks offer a more natural environment and are often associated with water, such as walking along Venice's canals or the Arno River in Florence. Historic urban gardens, such as Parco del Valentino in Turin and the Boboli Gardens in Florence, are also mentioned and offer pleasant places for summer walks.
Urban spaces, such as the walls of Milan, are transformed into tree-lined promenades, which offer an opportunity to intensify city walks. These walks along the walls spread to many Italian cities during the Habsburg Empire, helping to transform cities and offering new opportunities for leisure and socializing.
The walk, in Italy, is a social event rooted in the cultural fabric, with rhythms and times that vary depending on the seasons and holidays. Seasonal walks adapt to climate change, with the summer walk often done at night to enjoy the cool air. Festive walks, as during Carnival, are characterized by parades and scenographic events. Sunday walks have two distinct moments: the morning, often linked to mass, and the afternoon, traditionally more crowded and social. However, over time, the image of the Sunday walk has been criticized, and it has been seen as a symbol of bourgeois hypocrisy and mediocrity. The Saturday afternoon walk has gained popularity in recent decades, becoming an opportunity for shopping and entertainment.
The third part of the book examines the walk as an ever-evolving social and cultural "spectacle" (this term reminds us of Debord's dissertation of the so-called "Society of Spectacles") with ancient historical roots but practised in new and innovative ways. Chiari treats the walk as a "cultural performance", drawing inspiration from the work of anthropologist Milton Singer. The author analyzes the social dynamics involved in the walk, highlighting how it is an event in which identities, relationships and social values are exhibited and negotiated.
The walk acts as a display of social power and mutual visual control within a social group. Chiari examines how sight has assumed importance in walking, influencing people's perceptions and behaviors. Features such as open spaces, straight streets, and the participants' physical proximity facilitate this visual control.
Furthermore, the author emphasizes the importance of cafes and bars along urban promenades. These venues provide an audience for the promenade and contribute to the idea of "palcoscenico" (stage) and "dolce vita" (sweet life). The cafés become places of observation and social interaction, where people reflect on and participate in the walk.
Finally, Chiari examines the promenade as an opportunity to exhibit differences in social class, status, and gender through dress and carriage participation. Clothes and carriages become symbols of social status and tools for negotiating and asserting social identity within the promenade.
The walk, both in the past and present, is a collective phenomenon involving social groups of various backgrounds. This recreational and social event reflects a group's identity, values, and behavioural codes. Participating in the walk alone shows a lack of social relationships, often leading to feelings of shame or insecurity.
Historically, the promenade has played an important role in Italian society, serving as a manifestation of political identity during the Risorgimento and as a space for protests and political unrest. However, it also represented an opportunity to express eroticism through courtship and physical contact, reflecting social norms and gender stereotypes. For example, "cicisbeismo", as a practice, allowed men to accompany married women on walks, facilitating social encounters and romance. However, the walk also reflected power dynamics and objectification of women, with the dominant male gaze and stereotypes associated with male hegemony.
Even today, the Italian walk represents an important expression of social cohesion and political and erotic identity in the country's history and culture, reflecting complex social dynamics and gender stereotypes.
Reading this book gave me a deeper and more detailed perspective on a practice, walking, which, as an Italian, I have experienced since I was a child as something not only normal but essential in anyone's life. I now understand the meanings and contents that go beyond the mere act of following a pre-established path for an equally pre-established end. In the walk, we find the representation/mirror of a society in a well-defined period from a social, cultural and historical point of view. We find the expression of one or more lifestyles, conventions, formal and informal languages. The walk is a spectacular soup of culture, a melting pot in which disciplines such as street photography can develop infinite contents and narratives.
